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    <title>Governance and Democracy (G&amp;D)</title>
    <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/col/4319/</link>
    <description>List of Publications</description>
    <language>en</language>
    <item>
      <title>Rhetoric and Action of Immigration Policies in Britain</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/9259/</link>
      <pubDate>Fri, 01 Dec 2006 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Azevedo, Marcia Reis de&lt;/div&gt;
International migration has become a much debated issue since the 1990s. It has moved from an internal administrative matter to a top national security issue, especially after the terrorist&#13;
attacks of September 11th, 2001, in the United States.&#13;
The usual notion of a migrant is that of an unskilled person which comes from a developing country, trying to get a job in any of the developed areas of the world where they will then settle&#13;
d?wn (Augustin, 2003: 32). However, this is only one type in this category. Migrants can be high skilled or low skilled individuals, they can come both from developing as well as developed&#13;
countries, they may be migrants due to family formation or reunion, and there are also those who are forced to migrate - asylum seekers and refugees - which are not to be seen as migrants.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Local conflicts between Somali and Oromo people in the context of political decentralization in Ethiopia: Comparative case study on Ma'eso and Babile Districts</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/8812/</link>
      <pubDate>Fri, 01 Dec 2006 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Liban, M.O.&lt;/div&gt;
The paper addresses local conflicts between Somali and Oromo people in the context of&#13;
resent state political and structural changes in Ethiopia. The aim is to explore the&#13;
underlying causes of conflicts and the intervention mechanisms used under firmly&#13;
centralized governance system, and the impact of 1991 ethnically-based decentralization&#13;
system on the local conflicts between Somali and Oromo communities along the border&#13;
between the two states.&#13;
The paper argues that the 1991 decentralization system have aggravated the already&#13;
existed local resource use conflicts between different pastoral and agro-pastoral Somali&#13;
and Oromo communities.&#13;
There has been a long history of cultural and linguistic integrations between these two&#13;
groups who live in geographically mixed settings. There has also been an ongoing cycle&#13;
of resource conflicts mainly created by the physical mobility of pastoralist in search of&#13;
water and pasture. This created a fierce competition over land and water sources live in&#13;
an environment known to endemic poverty, recurrent droughts, and where these vital&#13;
resources are scarce. In resent times however, the existed local resource conflicts have&#13;
taken political dimensions mainly due to the state political and structural changes in the&#13;
country.&#13;
The 1991 state political and structural changes in the country demanded the formation of&#13;
ethnically-based regional states in previously non ethnic-based provincial administrations&#13;
ruled by highly centralized governments in the past. Consequently, the question of&#13;
demarcating the boundary between culturally and geographically mixed neighboring&#13;
societies like Somali and Oromo has resulted in disagreements and fresh disputes&#13;
between the newly formed regional states.&#13;
The paper examines the emerging challenges of the local conflicts between Somali and&#13;
Oromo people along the border between the two states. Especial emphasis is given to the&#13;
cases of Ma'eso and Babile districts. In doing so, the paper addresses issues such as&#13;
causes, consequences and resolution mechanism used during Derg regime and under the&#13;
current EPRDF led government.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Participation of the Poor in Poverty Reduction: An Analysis of Implementation of PMAlNAADS in the case of Nebbi District - Uganda</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/9350/</link>
      <pubDate>Sat, 01 Dec 2007 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Onen, David Michael&lt;/div&gt;
The National Agricultural Advisory Services (NAADS) was designed based on the need to empower farmers - particularly the poor and women - to demand and control&#13;
agricultural advisory services and increase participation of the people in decision- making with the goal of reducing poverty. The purpose of this study was to find out whether the implementation ofNAADS in Nebbi district was participatory.&#13;
The study took critical look at Farmer Institutional Development&#13;
(FID), Advisory and Information Services and Participatory Planning, Enterprise Selection and Technology Development as key units of analysis.</description>
    </item>
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      <title>"BEYOND THE GOVERNMENT AND THE PARTY; EXPLAINING CONSTITUTION F AlLURES IN ZAMBIA"</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/11327/</link>
      <pubDate>Mon, 31 Dec 2007 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Nalukui Milapo&lt;/div&gt;
</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>ASEAN Plus Three and Regionalism</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7129/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Nachiappan, Karthik&lt;/div&gt;
</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Role of Microcredit Institutions in Urban Poverty Alleviation in Ethiopia</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7138/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Beyene, Zigiju Samuel&lt;/div&gt;
This paper evaluates the role of microcredit programs in poverty alleviation in&#13;
Addis Ababa City by taking two microcredit institutions: Addis Credit and&#13;
Saving Institution and Africa Village Financial Service. Secondary data from&#13;
different sources as well as primary data from the clients of both institutions&#13;
were collected and analysed. Moser’s Asset Vulnerability Framework is also&#13;
employed as an analytical tool. It is found that AdCSI and AVFS failed to&#13;
alleviate poverty in Addis Ababa, for very different reasons: AdCSI has&#13;
effectively excluded the poor, and AVFS has failed to improve the situation of&#13;
the poor. The result also implies that both AdCSI and AVFS have benefited&#13;
men more than women.</description>
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    <item>
      <title>An assessment of The Use and Management of Development Funds</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7136/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Awiti, Victoria Phildah&lt;/div&gt;
The Kenya government designed a new strategy for enhancing community&#13;
development in 2003 through an Act of Parliament (CDF Act 2003). This Act&#13;
saw the establishment of Constituencies Development Fund. These are funds&#13;
meant for initiating development projects at the constituency level. The CDF&#13;
Act gives provision for earmarking at least 2.5% of ordinary government&#13;
revenue for the CDF kitty.75% of it is distributed equally to all the 210&#13;
constituencies in the country and the remaining 25% is further distributed&#13;
basing upon the poverty index of constituencies.&#13;
The Act establishes four committees to facilitate the efficient&#13;
implementation and management of the fund .However one of them stands&#13;
out as it is the one that handles the money directly and that is the Constituency&#13;
Development Committee&#13;
The agenda behind its establishment was to promote equitable distribution&#13;
of resources through out the country by channelling resources direct to all the&#13;
constituencies regardless of their political affiliation. However research on the&#13;
use of these funds reveals that the establishment of the fund was merely to&#13;
enable all national politicians to have direct access to state resources for their&#13;
own benefit.&#13;
In trying to meet the objectives of the study which were to find out&#13;
whether the fund is contributing towards efficiency in resource use or has been&#13;
hijacked by politicians for purposes of furthering their interests, the theory of&#13;
instrumentality of political disorder was employed. The main aspects of the&#13;
theory employed were; politicians favour law levels of political&#13;
institutionalisation as it accommodates corruption and patronage. Based on&#13;
findings, the study confirms that low levels of institutionalisation are highly&#13;
favoured by the Kenyan political elite (MPs) as it facilitates the process of&#13;
wealth accumulation through corruption and also gives room for creating new&#13;
platforms for patronage.</description>
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    <item>
      <title>NGO Accountability: Undermines responsiveness to the Beneficiaries?</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7133/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Archi, Rumana Amin&lt;/div&gt;
This paper examines accountability process in the Local small Non-&#13;
Government Organization (NGO) in Bangladesh with special attention to&#13;
the responsiveness to the beneficiaries. The research finds that upward&#13;
accountability demands of donors and government are not necessarily&#13;
conducive to the qualities of the NGOs that are necessary to address their&#13;
downward accountability demand. The study explores different mechanisms&#13;
that NGOs practice to address the accountability demand. These&#13;
mechanisms are generally put into place to provide accountability to donors,&#13;
government and oversight agencies. The study suggests these mechanisms&#13;
are too intense for local small NGOs. To practice these mechanisms&#13;
efficiently, local small NGOs have taken different strategies, such as:&#13;
increase managerial staff in the organization; decrease time for learning and&#13;
reflection; organize special training etc. This study suggests these strategies&#13;
have the tendency to drive NGOs away from their beneficiaries.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>VIOLENCE AGAINST DALIT WOMEN IN PANCHAYAT RAJ INSTITUTIONS</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7135/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Kamble, Swati Mukund&lt;/div&gt;
</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>DEMOCRACY AS A DISCOURSE AND PROJECT</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7134/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Chandrasekharan, Sandhya&lt;/div&gt;
The paper argues that the idea of India’ as something shared above&#13;
particularistic identities, especially of religion and caste, is an idea that has not&#13;
gone deep yet with vast groups, even amongst the relatively privileged sections&#13;
of Indian society. Since 2000 three different sets of Social Studies textbooks&#13;
have been used in the school system that caters to this relatively privileged, and&#13;
expanding, English speaking section of Indian society. The paper situates these&#13;
texts in the context of the ideological moorings of the ruling political parties&#13;
that commissioned them and examines their discourses on Democracy. The&#13;
exercise is used to deliberate upon the issues and prospects in the deepening of&#13;
democracy in the ideational sphere through school education.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>WHEN DEMOCRACY IS NOT WHAT ‘THE MASSES’ WANT</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7131/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;SALAZAR, TATIANA TICONA&lt;/div&gt;
higher public legitimacy level than a democratic one. It used the Fujimori and Toledo regimes as&#13;
case studies&#13;
The methodology involved applying (neo)populism, democracy, democratization, and ‘hybrid’&#13;
regimes theory to understand the mechanisms that allowed Fujimori to legitimize his regime, and&#13;
that (supposedly) prevented Toledo from doing so.&#13;
The analysis found that a combination of factors were favorable for Fujimori and working&#13;
against Toledo. While Toledo’s luxurious lifestyle alienated him form the masses, he was unable&#13;
to concentrate the amount of power that Fujimori did. Hence, the Fujimori regime could approve&#13;
‘popular’ reforms that increased public support, which could then be used to gain more power.&#13;
This ‘vicious cycle of legitimization’ that kept the Fujimori regime in power was unavailable to&#13;
Toledo, who never enjoyed the sufficient popularity to get it started.&#13;
Aside from the presence of populist elements and the use of ‘hybrid’ regimes, there were other&#13;
factors affecting the public legitimacy levels of the regimes. These are: the role of crises, public&#13;
weariness with neoliberalism, the international community, the Fujimori legacy, and Peruvian&#13;
civic culture. While Fujimori enjoyed a favorable context for a populist, the opposite was true for&#13;
Toledo. Arguably, then, his neopopulist tactic was destined to fail.&#13;
The study concludes by outlines its contribution and areas for further research.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Youth in Governance</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7123/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Zeb, Bilal Aurang&lt;/div&gt;
</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Transformative Participation in Venezuela</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7128/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Salazar, Juan Carlos Triviño&lt;/div&gt;
Communal Councils in Venezuela are the last experiment of participatory&#13;
democracy that the government has created in order to achieve the promised&#13;
transformation of the revolutionary process started in 1998. Throughout the&#13;
country thousands of these self-governing units at community level have been&#13;
formed with the goal of addressing the people's most urgent needs. The&#13;
creation of a new political elite under President Hugo Chavez Frias, who has&#13;
been ruling the country since 1998, has created serious social cleavages which&#13;
have been conducive of high levels of political confrontation. The success of&#13;
the model of communal councils in the communities depends in part on the&#13;
maturity of the government to isolate this experiment of popular participation&#13;
from the political antagonisms lived in the country. This research has explored&#13;
in the field the reality of this situation and how promising these councils are in&#13;
the task of achieving a true transformative participation.</description>
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      <title>Normative Power of European Integration in case of Albania</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7127/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Xhaferri, Elona&lt;/div&gt;
</description>
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      <title>California’s Pavley Law on Vehicle Emissions and State Climate Initiatives</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7126/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Short, David&lt;/div&gt;
As an important player in global affairs, any political response to&#13;
climate change will need to involve the United States. After withdrawal from&#13;
the Kyoto Protocol, the United States government further constrained climate&#13;
initiatives by first failing to recognize carbon dioxide under the Clean Air Act&#13;
(CAA) and then denying California the CAA waiver exemption to implement&#13;
their Pavley vehicle emission standard. This paper then seeks to explore the&#13;
space for state climate initiatives in the context of US environmental&#13;
federalism. While scholars have looked at specific aspects within the debate&#13;
such as the legality of the CAA, there isn’t any work that assesses&#13;
comprehensively the entire picture by raising theoretical questions and&#13;
answering them with empirical evidence from the Californian experience. This&#13;
papers attempts to fill that void in existing literature. The research concludes&#13;
that California is in fact unravelling trends of (traditional) environmental&#13;
federalism and by virtue of the exclusive CAA waiver is furthermore reversing&#13;
federalism by setting its own policy that other states are choosing to&#13;
implement.</description>
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      <title>PRIVATE ENERGY INDUSTRY &amp; CLIMATE CHANGE MITIGATION</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7124/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;MEJIA, DANIEL A. ABREU&lt;/div&gt;
This research presents an insight of the problematic relation between the&#13;
leading oil private industry and climate change mitigation. An analysis of these&#13;
private firms’ energy forecasts is carried in reference with the internationally&#13;
agreed knowledge-based criteria for preventing the consequences of climate&#13;
change, and with alternative scenarios elaborated by one international agency&#13;
and a major NGO.&#13;
At its core this paper argues that energy and climate change scenarios from&#13;
the leading private energy firms are more than technical forecasting exercises.&#13;
They also have a political dimension that aims at influencing the public debate&#13;
to support in the foreseeable future an energy system dependent on fossil&#13;
fuels, in spite of potential negative environmental consequences.&#13;
This argument will be approached through a political economy perspective&#13;
on global environmental governance. And a neo-Gramscian analytical&#13;
framework will be applied, privileging the discursive level dimension in the&#13;
analysis of the climate change mitigation position of the leading private firms&#13;
in the energy sector.</description>
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      <title>INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF MIGRATION</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7122/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Sharma, Amrita&lt;/div&gt;
</description>
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      <title>Implementing the Right to Information Act 2005 in Bhubaneswar Municipal Corporation (BMC)</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7130/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Dei, Manorama&lt;/div&gt;
Access to information and freedom of expression are integral aspects&#13;
of democratic process of governance. Citizens right to access and&#13;
inspect public documents promotes openness, transparency,&#13;
accountability in administration. This consequently promotes better&#13;
controls over corruption and mismanagement, the bane of Indian&#13;
democracy. India has evolved from a new nation, protective about its&#13;
industry, culture and identity, to a nation welcoming globalization,&#13;
privatisation and liberalization in early 1990s. From Official Secrecy&#13;
Act, India has moved on to the Right to Information Act, 2005 (RTI).&#13;
The RTI aims to empower the citizens and to enforce accountability of&#13;
the duty bearers so that the money spent and actions taken were in&#13;
accordance with the provisions of law. But to make it work, people's&#13;
awareness, the willingness to struggle to exercise their rights and the&#13;
duty bearers' commitment to greater is necessary. Bhubaneswar&#13;
Municipal Corporation (BMC) is the local self-governing body that&#13;
looks after the development of Bhubaneswar, the capital of Orissa. It&#13;
serves as an interesting study. Every construction work undertaken&#13;
carries official disclosures about the amount spent and work done.&#13;
But the people's perception of high corruption and lack of openness&#13;
has not changed substantially since 2005. This study revealed the&#13;
workings and the different stakeholders' perspectives. There has been&#13;
greater openness at the higher level, but, there is greater need for&#13;
improvement at the lower level of the municipal corporation. The&#13;
study suggests to the duty bearers must take the responsibility of&#13;
providing free access to information seriously.</description>
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      <title>Understanding the Compliance Gap</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7125/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Shapiro, Daniel&lt;/div&gt;
The UK is proclaiming to be a leader in combating climate change; through ambitious and&#13;
groundbreaking policies, public pronouncements, and interactions among its European&#13;
counterparts, the UK is positioning itself as the forerunner in the fight to reduce carbon&#13;
emissions and promote renewable technology. However, upon closer examination, there&#13;
seems to be a discrepancy between what the UK government is saying in its regulatory&#13;
policy, and the actions that energy companies are taking in response to this policy. In other&#13;
words, there is an apparent gap in compliance between government policy and industry&#13;
reaction. Actual records of carbon emissions and renewable energy growth show a much&#13;
more grim picture of UK progress. As a comparative case, Germany has shown a much&#13;
narrower gap in compliance, and I aim to expose these differences by examining the&#13;
effectiveness of the two key environmental regulatory mechanisms in each country: the&#13;
Renewables Obligation in the UK and the EEG in Germany.&#13;
Having shown that the cases of the UK and Germany are different, there are many&#13;
explanatory factors for this, including culture, political parties, history, national preferences,&#13;
and many more. I have chosen governance as the factor of focus in this paper; governance&#13;
is the collection of rules, norms, and institutions that oversee the creation, implementation,&#13;
and enforcement of environmental regulatory policy. And, because governance is the focus,&#13;
I will draw on the body of literature Varieties of Capitalism and its principle Co-&#13;
Convergence Theory, which dichotomises two main types of economies: Liberal Market&#13;
Economies (LMEs) and Coordinated Market Economies (CMEs). Using this theoretical&#13;
underpinning, I will attempt to show that these categorisations, under which the UK and&#13;
Germany fall, are helpful explanations for the creation of the RO and the EEG in each&#13;
country, respectively. Once these parallels are drawn, the argument becomes clearer as to&#13;
why the UK is exhibiting a wider gap in compliance between its stated policy goals and&#13;
corresponding energy industry reaction.</description>
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      <title>Serbia’s Bulldozer Revolution Reconsidered</title>
      <link>https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/7132/</link>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <description>&lt;div&gt;Joksić, Mladen&lt;/div&gt;
This paper examines the consequences of the mode of extrication for democratic&#13;
consolidation in the context of regime hybridity. It provides an in depth analysis of&#13;
one instance of so called electoral revolution: Serbia’s ‘Bulldozer’ revolution&#13;
witnessed in October 2000. Applying the concept of path dependency, it seeks to&#13;
understand how the remnants of the Milosevic regime have stood in the way of&#13;
democratic reform. The primary argument brought forth in this paper is that while&#13;
pacts forged between members of Serbia’s democratic opposition and members of&#13;
the previous regime’s security sector enabled the immediate transition from regime&#13;
hybridity to electoral democracy, their long-term effect would be to preserve the&#13;
previous practices, prerogatives, and powers of Milosevic’s security sector.&#13;
Ultimately, the legacies of this reserved domain would hinder the completion of&#13;
democracy in Serbia. The core argument of this paper thus challenges the&#13;
assumptions of both transitological and post-transitological studies. While the&#13;
former argue that pacted transitions have beneficial consequences for democratic&#13;
consolidation, the latter locate the major drivers of regime change in exclusively&#13;
bottom-up initiatives. This paper’s findings question both of these interpretations,&#13;
and thus challenge scholars and practitioners alike to reconceptualise their&#13;
understandings of transitional processes.</description>
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