Towards an inclusive national identity?

When the republic of Estonia regained its independence in 1991 it had to deal with a complex legacy. During the nearly fifty years of Soviet rule, the ethnic composition of the region had changed drastically. Forced industrialization and accompanying migration in the 1960s and 1970s meant that the share of the population made up by ethnic Russians increased drastically. Claims for self-determination in the late 1980s and early 1990s went in large part along nationalist lines and when Estonia eventually succeeded in seizing independence, the ethnic Estonians, having lived as a tiny minority within the vast Soviet Union for half a century, all of a sudden found themselves to be the ethnic majority in their reinstated republic. The ethnic Russians living in the region on the other hand, overnight became an ethnic minority in the lands they called their home. This abrupt change raised several questions regarding themes such as how to deal with the large ethnic Russian minority living in the country and how the national identity should be defined have popped up on a regular basis during the last twenty-five years. The thesis deals with the question whether or not the national identity of Estonia changed in the period from 1991 to 2014 to a more common national identity in which all inhabitants of the republic are included. In answering this question, the theory by Anthony D. Smith on what a national identity entails is being used. The five characteristics of a national identity designated by Smith which are; a homeland; common myths and history; a common culture; common rights; and a common economy are scrutinized and it is determined whether one can speak of a common Estonian national identity based on these factors. As it turns out, this hardly seems to be the case. That being said, among the government, ethnic Estonian inhabitants, and the ethnic Russian population there appears to be a strong will to form a nation, or at least to live together despite the apparent differences. This strange contradiction can largely be explained from other factors. Membership of international organizations such as the EU and NATO turns out to be a strong incentive for both the government and the common man in this. Furthermore, the sound economic performance of Estonia during also plays a crucial role. Such findings also pose implications for theories that perceive nationalism as something inherently bad, as a disease. The case of Estonia shows that nationalism is not some sort of external force driving human beings to unavoidable hatred and despair. Despite strong symbolic elements that are apparent in nationalism and national identity, it also entails an element of rationalism.